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France's Macron vows to cut middle-class taxes

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PARIS (AP) — The Latest on French President Emmanuel Macron's solutions to quell the economic anger of yellow vest protests(all times local): 6:50 p.m. French President Emmanuel Macron has pledged to cut income taxes for middle-class workers.


Macron made the vow Thursday during a planned speech outlining his response to months of anti-government protests. He said he wants to "cut taxes for a maximum number of citizens and especially those who are working, the middle-class."
Macron said he is considering financing the measure through cuts in public spending and making people work longer before they retire. He didn't elaborate.  
6:35 p.m.
French President Emmanuel wants to reduce the number of lawmakers in parliament and to change the national legislature's voting system so it better reflects the diversity of France's political parties. 
Macron said Thursday during a speech planned to address the concerns raised by the anti-government yellow vest protesters: "We can improve" the parliament and make it "more efficient."
France's parliamentary election system currently is designed to give the winning party a strong majority, disadvantaging smaller parties.
Macron says he wants some of the seats in the lower house of parliament, the National Assembly, to be filled through a proportional system.
He said he also plans to make it easier for citizens to propose national referendums.
9 a.m.
French President Emmanuel Macron is set to unveil long-awaited plans to quell five months of yellow vest protests that have damaged his presidency.
Macron will speak to the nation from the Elysee presidential palace after three months of national debate aimed at addressing the protesters' concerns through town hall meetings and collecting complaints online.
He is expected to unveil tax cuts for lower-income households and measures to boost pensions and help single parents. He may also make it easier for ordinary people to initiate local referendums.
While his promises are expected to respond to some demonstrators' grievances, other critics are likely to dismiss them as too little, too late. The protesters see the centrist Macron, a former investment banker, as leading a French government that favors the rich and want more income equality.
Many French protesters say they can't pay their bills due to the high cost of living.

Spain election dominated by uncertainty

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BARCELONA, Spain (AP) — The outcome of Spain's election on Sunday is anyone's guess. A substantial pool of voters is still undecided. The country's traditional parties have been diluted. And a rising populist party has splintered the right.


The ballot will be Spain's third parliamentary election in less than four years, with no sign that the uncertainty will go away anytime soon. Socialist Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez is hoping voters give him a strong mandate to stay in the office he assumed 11 months ago, when a no-confidence vote ousted his conservative predecessor. However, about a third of those surveyed heading into the final week of campaigning said they didn't know how they would cast their votes.
The upstart Vox party seems sure to garner enough support to put far-right lawmakers in Spain's lower house, the Congress of Deputies, for the first time since the 1980s. A strong performance by Vox would be crucial to the ability of two center-right parties to forge a majority coalition government to supplant Sánchez.
Sánchez urged voters who abandoned the Socialists in recent years to once again vote for Spain's oldest national party "so that we can stop the three parties on the right from joining forces." If Vox does as well as expected, Spain would have five national parties of significant size. A government opinion poll of 16,194 eligible voters forecast that Sánchez*s Socialists would win 30% of the vote, the conservative Popular Party 17%, the center-right Citizens 13%, the far-left United We Can 12% and Vox 11%.
All the polls published by private news organizations in Spain also forecast Sánchez leading the Socialists to victory for the first time since 2008. "We are very close to seeing the Socialist party winning an election 11 years since its last victory," Sánchez said. "We are very close to being able to offer all Spaniards a prospect of stability, of a country that is walking toward a future of more social justice, more peaceful coexistence and a clean manner of doing politics."
In 2008, the Socialists and their ideological rivals from the Popular Party together accounted for 82% of the vote. The combined vote total for the two parties, which dominated Spanish politics for three decades, fell to 50% in the December 2015 election. In the period in between, the global economic meltdown hit Spain hard and helped give rise to the Citizens party and United We Can.
The fragmentation has made the governments in Madrid much more fragile and short-lived. The current Socialist-led government and the one the Popular Party led from 2016-2018 controlled a minority of parliament seats. Neither accomplished much or came close to seeing out a full four-year legislative term. Sánchez was forced to call this weekend's early election after he was unable to get a national budget passed in February.
"For the foreseeable future in Spain, parties are going to have to establish agreements," said Andrew Dowling, an expert on contemporary Spanish politics at Cardiff University in Wales. "I don't think there's any indication any single party will be able to win. We should remind ourselves that as late as 2004 and 2008, the Socialists were able to get 42 percent of the vote. They're a long way from going back there."
Two nights of televised debates gave the candidates ample time to trade barbs and to try to win over undecided voters. But before the election, there's been more talk about postelection partnerships than about policy platforms.
Pablo Iglesias, the leader of United We Can, was lauded for his moderate tone and defense of the Spanish Constitution during one of the debates, a contrast to his fiery, revolutionary rhetoric during past campaigns. Iglesias has talked openly of wanting to come into government with the Socialists.
Sánchez's ideal scenario would be to cobble together reliable support from 176 of the 350 members of the Congress of Deputies through his Socialists, Iglesias* United We Can and moderate regional lawmakers from the northern Basque Country.
If he can't build a majority that way, Sánchez might find himself again relying on pro-independence lawmakers from the Catalonia region who already proved to be untrustworthy partners. Catalan separatists in parliament voted against the prime minister's national spending bill after Sánchez refused to authorize a referendum on the region's secession from Spain.
The chance of Popular Party leader Pablo Casado becoming prime minister rests on his candidates beating hopefuls from Citizens and then striking a deal with the center-right party to form a coalition government. If Vox representatives agree to support the coalition, the Popular-Citizens government would be able to command a majority of votes in parliament.
Casado, Citizens leader Albert Rivera and Vox leader Santiago Abascal have competed to be seen as tough enough to stand up to the separatist politicians in Catalonia. A failed push to declare the region's independence in 2017 plunged Spain into a deep political crisis.
All three right-wing parties — Popular, Citizens and Vox — accuse Sánchez of being weak on Catalonia because he opened talks with the region's pro-secession leaders. The three parties came together to defeat Sanchez's Socialists during a December election in southern Spain's Andalusia region, long a Socialist stronghold. The Andalusia election introduced Vox to the Spanish political scene. The party campaigned on stemming illegal immigration, protecting Spanish traditions like bullfighting and vows to punish Catalonia by taking over its regional government.
Now the three are competing to see which of them could lead a similar takeover at the national level. "I think what Sunday will decide is who is the winner on the right," Dowling said. "It will be very much a kind of a choice between head and heart for right-wing voters."

Sri Lanka's PM says potential bombers at large

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COLOMBO, Sri Lanka (AP) — Sri Lanka's prime minister said Thursday that suspects linked to the coordinated Easter Sunday bomb attacks remain at large and could have access to explosives. Some of the suspects "may go out for a suicide attack," Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said in an interview with The Associated Press.



Wickremesinghe spoke frankly about the greatest challenge the South Asian island nation has faced since its civil war ended a decade ago. "This is another experience for us. Not that we are not strangers to terrorism, but this is global terrorism, so we have to ensure that we root this out," he said.
More than 350 people were killed and another 500 people wounded in the string of suicide bombings at churches and luxury hotels in and around the capital, Colombo. The attacks were claimed two days later by the Islamic State group, who posted a video of the man Sri Lankan officials say led the attack with seven others pledging their allegiance to the withered caliphate.
Police, meanwhile, issued a public appeal for information about three women and two men suspected of involvement in the attacks. Wickremesinghe also said that the father of two of the suspected suicide bombers, Colombo spice dealer Mohammad Yusuf Ibrahim, had been arrested. He described him as a leading businessman active in politics known as "Ibrahim Hajiar," a Sri Lankan term for Muslims who have gone on religious pilgrimages to Mecca.
The prime minister expressed doubt about Ibrahim's complicity in the attack. "People like that would not have wanted their sons to blow themselves up," he said. Sri Lankan authorities have blamed a local extremist group, National Towheed Jamaat, whose leader, alternately named Mohammed Zahran or Zahran Hashmi, became known to Muslim leaders three years ago for his incendiary online speeches.
On Wednesday, junior defense minister Ruwan Wijewardene said the attackers had broken away from National Towheed Jamaat and another group, which he identified only as "JMI." Wijewardene said many of the suicide bombers were highly educated and came from well-to-do families.
The prime minister said it appeared that Sri Lanka's wealthiest and best-traveled Muslims were most susceptible to the doctrine professed by the Islamic State group. "They were too educated and therefore, they were misled," Wickremesinghe said.
The bombers were wealthy enough to have financed the entire operation themselves, though they would have needed outside help for training and bomb-building expertise, Wickremsinghe said. He said that authorities still hadn't confirmed whether Zahran, who was supposed to have led one of suicide missions, was among the corpses recovered from the scenes or still at large.
Sri Lanka has been sharply criticized for an apparent intelligence lapse. Government leaders have acknowledged that some intelligence units were aware of possible attacks weeks before the bombings, but the president and prime minister both have said the intelligence was not shared with them.
Wickremesinghe blamed the incident, in part, on a "breakdown of communication." President Maithripala Sirisena, who was out of the country during the Sunday attacks, had ousted Wickremesinghe in October and dissolved the Cabinet. The Supreme Court later reversed his actions, but relations between the two top leaders have remained frigid.
In the immediate aftermath of Sunday's attacks, Sri Lanka blocked most social media, with the prime minister expressing concern that it could be used to incite violence in the country of 21 million. Wickremesinghe said Thursday that security forces were trying to help Muslim Ahmadis from Pakistan seeking refugee status in Sri Lanka, who told AP they had been attacked and beaten in the days following the bombings.
Some people "had become suspicious of foreigners, not of Muslims per se," Wickremesinghe, said.

People with happy spouses may live longer

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Research suggests that having a happy spouse leads to a longer marriage, and now study results show that it's associated with a longer life, too. The study was published in Psychological Science, a journal of the Association for Psychological Science.
"The data show that spousal life satisfaction was associated with mortality, regardless of individuals' socioeconomic and demographic characteristics, or their physical health status," says study author Olga Stavrova, a researcher at Tilburg University in the Netherlands.
Notably, spouses' life satisfaction was an even better predictor of participants' mortality than participants' own life satisfaction. Participants who had a happy partner at the beginning of the study were less likely to pass away over the next 8 years compared with participants who had less happy partners.
"The findings underscore the role of individuals' immediate social environment in their health outcomes. Most importantly, it has the potential to extend our understanding of what makes up individuals' 'social environment' by including the personality and well-being of individuals' close ones," says Stavrova.
Life satisfaction is known to be associated with behaviors that can affect health, including diet and exercise, and people who have a happy, active spouse, for example, are likely to have an active lifestyle themselves. The opposite is also likely to be true, says Stavrova:
"If your partner is depressed and wants to spend the evening eating chips in front of the TV -- that's how your evening will probably end up looking, as well."
Stavrova examined data from a nationally representative survey of about 4,400 couples in the United States who were over the age of 50. The survey, funded by the National Institute on Aging, collected data on participants who had spouses or live-in partners; 99% of the sampled couples were heterosexual.
For up to 8 years, participants and their spouses reported on life satisfaction and various factors hypothesized to be related to mortality, including perceived partner support and frequency of physical activity. They also completed a self-rated health measure and provided information related to their morbidity (as measured by number of doctor-diagnosed chronic conditions), gender, age at the beginning of the study, ethnicity, education, household income, and partner mortality. Participant deaths over the course of the study were tracked using the National Death Index from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention or spouses' reports.
At the end of 8 years, about 16% of participants had died. Those who died tended to be older, male, less educated, less wealthy, less physically active, and in poorer health than those who were still alive; those who died also tended to report lower relationship satisfaction, lower life satisfaction, and having a partner who also reported lower life satisfaction. The spouses of participants who died were also more likely to pass away within the 8-year observation period than were spouses of participants who were still living.
The findings suggest that greater partner life satisfaction at the beginning of the study was associated with lower participant mortality risk. Specifically, the risk of mortality for participants with a happy spouse increased more slowly than mortality risk for participants with an unhappy spouse. The association between partner life satisfaction and mortality risk held even after accounting for major sociodemographic variables, self-rated health and morbidity, and partner mortality.
Exploring plausible explanations for these findings, Stavrova found that perceived partner support was not related to lower participant mortality. However, higher partner life satisfaction was related to more partner physical activity, which corresponded to higher participant physical activity, and lower participant mortality.
This research demonstrates that partner life satisfaction may have important consequences for health and longevity. Although the participants in this study were American, Stavrova believes the results are likely to apply to couples outside of the United States, as well.
"This research might have implications for questions such as what attributes we should pay attention to when selecting our spouse or partner and whether healthy lifestyle recommendations should target couples (or households) rather than individuals," says Stavrova.
Future research could also investigate larger social networks to see if the same pattern of results emerges in the context of other relationships.
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All analysis code for this study has been made publicly available via the Open Science Framework. The data are available through the Health and Retirement Study's website. This article has received the badge for Open Materials.
For more information about this study, please contact: Olga Stavrova at O.Stavrova@uvt.nl.
The full article is available online at https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0956797619835147
The APS journal Psychological Science is the highest ranked empirical journal in psychology. For a copy of the article "Having a Happy Spouse Is Associated With Lowered Risk of Mortality" and access to other Psychological Science research findings, please contact Anna Mikulak at 202-293-9300 or amikulak@psychologicalscience.org.

Climate change has worsened global economic inequality

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Newswise — A new Stanford University study shows global warming has increased economic inequality since the 1960s. Temperature changes caused by growing concentrations of greenhouse gases in Earth's atmosphere have enriched cool countries like Norway and Sweden, while dragging down economic growth in warm countries such as India and Nigeria.
"Our results show that most of the poorest countries on Earth are considerably poorer than they would have been without global warming," said climate scientist Noah Diffenbaugh, lead author of the study published April 22 in the peer-reviewed Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. "At the same time, the majority of rich countries are richer than they would have been."
The study, co-authored with Marshall Burke, a Stanford assistant professor of Earth system science, finds that, from 1961 to 2010, global warming decreased the wealth per person in the world's poorest countries by 17 to 30 percent. Meanwhile, the gap between the group of nations with the highest and lowest economic output per person is now approximately 25 percent larger than it would have been without climate change.
Although economic inequality between countries has decreased in recent decades, the research suggests the gap would have narrowed faster without global warming.
Ideal temperature for economic output
The study builds on previous research in which Burke and co-authors analyzed 50 years of annual temperature and GDP measurements for 165 countries to estimate the effects of temperature fluctuations on economic growth. They demonstrated that growth during warmer than average years has accelerated in cool nations and slowed in warm nations.
"The historical data clearly show that crops are more productive, people are healthier and we are more productive at work when temperatures are neither too hot nor too cold," Burke explained. "This means that in cold countries, a little bit of warming can help. The opposite is true in places that are already hot."
In the current study, Diffenbaugh and Burke combined Burke's previously published estimates with data from more than 20 climate models developed by research centers around the world. Using the climate models to isolate how much each country has already warmed due to human-caused climate change, the researchers were able to determine what each country's economic output might have been had temperatures not warmed.
To account for uncertainty, the researchers calculated more than 20,000 versions of what each country's annual economic growth rate could have been without global warming. The estimates in the paper capture the range of outcomes delivered by those thousands of different routes.
"For most countries, whether global warming has helped or hurt economic growth is pretty certain," said Burke. Tropical countries, in particular, tend to have temperatures far outside the ideal for economic growth. "There's essentially no uncertainty that they've been harmed."
It's less clear how warming has influenced growth in countries in the middle latitudes, including the United States, China and Japan. For these and other temperate-climate nations, the analysis reveals economic impacts of less than 10 percent.
"A few of the largest economies are near the perfect temperature for economic output. Global warming hasn't pushed them off the top of the hill, and in many cases, it has pushed them toward it," Burke said. "But a large amount of warming in the future will push them further and further from the temperature optimum."
Dragged down by warming
While the impacts of temperature may seem small from year to year, they can yield dramatic gains or losses over time. "This is like a savings account, where small differences in the interest rate will generate large differences in the account balance over 30 or 50 years," said Diffenbaugh, the Kara J. Foundation professor in Stanford's School of Earth, Energy & Environmental Sciences (Stanford Earth). For example, after accumulating decades of small effects from warming, India's economy is now 31 percent smaller than it would have been in the absence of global warming.
At a time when climate policy negotiations often stall over questions of how to equitably divide responsibility for curbing future warming, Diffenbaugh and Burke's analysis offers a new measure of the price many countries have already paid. "Our study makes the first accounting of exactly how much each country has been impacted economically by global warming, relative to its historical greenhouse gas contributions," said Diffenbaugh, who is also Kimmelman Family senior fellow in the Stanford Woods Institute for the Environment.
While the biggest emitters enjoy on average about 10 percent higher per capita GDP today than they would have in a world without warming, the lowest emitters have been dragged down by about 25 percent. "This is on par with the decline in economic output seen in the U.S. during the Great Depression," Burke said. "It's a huge loss compared to where these countries would have been otherwise."
The researchers emphasize the importance of increasing sustainable energy access for economic development in poorer countries. "The more these countries warm up, the more drag there's going to be on their development," Diffenbaugh said. "Historically, rapid economic development has been powered by fossil fuels. Our finding that global warming has exacerbated economic inequality suggests that there is an added economic benefit of energy sources that don't contribute to further warming."
Diffenbaugh is also an affiliate of the Precourt Institute for Energy. Burke is a center fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies and, by courtesy, at the Woods Institute for the Environment.
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Time-Restricted Eating Shows Benefits for Blood Glucose

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Newswise — By restricting the time period during which they could eat, researchers have seen promising results for controlling blood glucose levels in men at risk of type 2 diabetes.
In a small study now published in the journal Obesity, researchers from the University of Adelaide and the South Australian Health and Medical Research Institute (SAHMRI) assessed the effects of time-restricted eating (TRE) in 15 men for one week.
“The men, who are at high risk of developing type 2 diabetes, limited their food intake to a nine-hour period per day,” says Associate Professor Leonie Heilbronn from the University’s Adelaide Medical School and SAHMRI.
“Participants undertook time-restricted eating either from 8.00am to 5.00pm or later in the day, from midday to 9.00pm. They ate their normal diet during this time,” says Associate Professor Heilbronn. “In fact, we told them to keep eating all the foods they usually eat.”
Blood glucose response to a standard meal was assessed each day of the study. The investigators found that TRE improved glucose control, regardless of when the men chose to stop eating.
“Our results suggest that modulating when, rather than what, we eat can improve glucose control.
“We did see a tiny amount of weight loss in this study, which may have contributed to the results,” Associate Professor Heilbronn says.
Fred Rochler, who has been participating in a follow-up study, has undertaken a TRE regime in which he ate his normal diet only from 9.30am to 7.30pm over a similar eight-week trial.
“The restricted eating regime was initially challenging, but soon became more manageable,” Mr Rochler says.
“I only ate up until 7.30pm as I found this worked well with my lifestyle. 
“Over the trial, I found that my fasting blood glucose tolerance improved significantly. It changed from ‘increased risk’ level to ‘normal’. This was without changing any of the foods that I like to eat,” Mr Rochler says.
Associate Professor Heilbronn says: “Time-restricted eating regimes demonstrate that we can enjoy foods that are perceived to be ‘bad’ for us, if we eat them at the right time of day, when our bodies are more biologically able to deal with the nutrient load. And perhaps more importantly, if we allow our bodies to have more time fasting each night.
“While these early results show some promise for controlling blood glucose, a larger study over a longer duration is required to fully investigate the effectiveness of this pattern of time-restricted eating,” she says.
Background
From 2000 to 2015 there were 306,201 new cases of insulin-treated type 2 diabetes in Australia: on average 19,000 new cases each year. The incidence of insulin-treated type 2 diabetes was between 1.2 to 1.5 times as high for men than women during this time. Incidence rates for insulin-treated type 2 diabetes were twice as high among those in the lowest socioeconomic group compared with those in the highest group.
Time-Restricted Feeding Improves Glucose Tolerance in Men at Risk for Type 2 Diabetes: A Randomized Crossover Trial, published in Obesity.
Note: the terminology used in the paper, time-restricted feeding (TRF), has now changed to time-restricted eating (TRE). 
This research is supported with funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC).

Here’s how Yellowstone became the ‘most scientifically contested piece of ground in America

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Here’s how Yellowstone became the ‘most scientifically contested piece of ground in America’
April 22, 2019

The saga of Yellowstone encapsulates a debate over what nature is, and how it worked before it was altered.

Yellowstone National Park is an approximately rectangular, 2.2-million-acre plot of public land in the northern Rocky Mountains, located in the northwest corner of Wyoming, bordered by Idaho on the southwest, a small strip of Montana to the west, and the bulk of Montana to the north. Founded in 1872, it was the first national park in the world, a pioneering experiment in keeping a beautiful place unaltered against the most fundamental characteristic of human civilization: the alteration of everything we touched.
Located on a volcanic plateau, much of Yellowstone is over seven thousand feet above sea level. The greater part is forested, some in fir and spruce, but mostly in rank upon rank of lodgepole pine. Yet the park is most famous for the smaller portion that is open land: expanses of meadow, sagebrush steppe, and stony ridges dotted with herds of big herbivores—bison, pronghorn antelope, elk, deer, and bighorn sheep— that reflect a mythic sense of what the West looked like before swaths of it were adapted for domestic livestock, alfalfa fields, tree plantations, gas wells, and housing tracts.
The Continental Divide takes an indistinct course across Yellowstone’s volcanic highlands, capriciously assigning drainages to the watersheds of the Pacific and Atlantic oceans. The southern part is drained by the Snake River, which flows into the Columbia, and from there into the Pacific. In the north, east, and west, the Yellowstone, Madison, and Gallatin rivers carry the park’s waters to the Missouri, and thence down the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico. At one curious location near the south boundary, Two-Ocean Creek splits into Atlantic Creek and Pacific Creek. “Here a trout twelve inches in length can cross the Continental Divide in safety,” remarked the nineteenth-century fur trapper Osborne Russell.
The name “Yellowstone”—which referred to the Yellowstone River before it was attached to the plateau at the headwaters, or the park— was in circulation among late-eighteenth-century fur trappers in New France as “Roche Jaune.” Anglicized as the River Yellow Stone, the name appeared on an 1805 map dispatched to President Thomas Jefferson by Lewis and Clark. By the late nineteenth century it had become associated with the rich ocher color of the rock in the 1,500-foot-deep Grand Canyon of the Yellowstone in the north-center of the park, but it may have referred originally to the pale yellow sandstone bluffs the river passes downstream, in eastern Montana.
Yellowstone is ringed by mountains—the Absarokas, the Beartooths, the Tetons, and the Madison and Gallatin ranges, but its middle gives an overall impression of flatness. That was the impression Lieutenant Gustavus Doane got of it on a summer day in 1870, as a thirty-year-old Army officer heading up a protective detail of soldiers on an expedition composed of territorial officials. On the twenty-ninth of August that year, Doane ascended a peak north of Yellowstone Lake, and looking south from on top, he noticed an oval-shaped void in the Rocky Mountains thirty by forty-five miles across. Doane was an educated man, and he guessed its origins. “The great basin,” he wrote, “has been formerly one vast crater of a now extinct volcano.”
He was right, except the volcano wasn’t extinct.
Few of history’s contradictions are as striking as the fact that the first really big natural landscape that human beings set out to preserve in perpetuity happened to be sitting on an active volcano that could be expected, within ten years or ten thousand, to vaporize the whole place. Eighteen or more million years ago, a huge plume of molten rock emplaced itself under the western edge of North America, moving inland as the continent was added to by material scraped off the seafloor in the slow-motion collision between the continental and oceanic plates. As the West Coast grew farther away, every once in a while the molten material would force its way to the surface and erupt in a series of what would have been massive catastrophes had there been anyone with real estate interests or insurance policies to compensate for them. Geologists have traced progressively younger deposits of lava and ash from these explosions in a north-bending crescent from northern Nevada across the Snake River Plain through Idaho to northwestern Wyoming. For a couple of million years that material, an underground mass of semi-molten rock 270 miles high, has been parked under Yellowstone. In that time it has produced three gigantic explosions and a series of smaller eruptions and lava flows. The evidence is that the first big one occurred about 2.1 million years ago. The last one, 640,000 years ago, was a thousand times bigger than the 1980 eruption of Mount St. Helens. Geologists have identified volcanic ash from this explosion as far away as Canada, Baja California, and Louisiana.
The United States government considers Yellowstone an active volcano and has set up a Yellowstone Volcano Observatory to keep an eye on it. But the frequency of supervolcano explosions occur in such big and inexact numbers that it is not possible to say exactly where we are on Yellowstone’s schedule. The magma plume is pushing portions of the park upward—at Hayden Valley, about thirty inches in fifty years. Yellowstone Lake has been found to be tilting, inundating trees at one end. The rocks under the park are riven with faults, and the observatory records one thousand to three thousand earthquakes there each year.
Among Indians, and then among trappers and explorers, and later among tourists and scientists, Yellowstone was known for its curiosities and wonders. In a few places its forests contain trees turned to stone. Petrified wood is almost never found standing upright, but at Yellowstone volcanic explosions in the distant past buried standing forests. Then, over millions of years, the trunks of the trees were mineralized, or “petrified.” Later, the soft stone around them eroded away, leaving broken-topped groves of 48 million-year-old extinct sequoia and pine trees with all the fine detail of their bark intact, standing amid living pines and firs.
The most notable effect of the magma chamber beneath Yellowstone is what happens as water seeps down toward it through cracks in the rocks. Yellowstone contains over half the world’s geysers, as well as bubbling mud pots, hissing steam vents, terraced travertine fountains, and pools of hot water painted in garish shades of aqua, yellow, red, and orange by cyanobacteria adapted to temperatures that would kill most other organisms on earth. Clouds of steam rise from the forests and meadows, and in the winter the bare ground of thermal areas provides steamy, high-altitude winter range for bison and elk that normally would have to descend to lower, more protected areas. Standing around amid the fumaroles, bison are sheeted with a hundred pounds of rime and icicles. Portions of the Grand Loop Road running past Old Faithful remain snow-free all winter without plowing. Steam explosions hurl rocks and spit gravel. One geyser that erupts only every few years shoots water three hundred feet in the air.
Human civilization has a simplifying effect on ecology. From the tallgrass prairie of the Great Plains, we made wheat fields. From the rich marshes of Florida, we made tomato fields. Located in one of the more remote areas of the West, developed late, and saved early, Yellowstone was not simplified. In 1972, the park had sixty-six species of mammals, all but one of those present in 1850. Today, with the reintroduction of wolves, it has all of them. Two hundred and eighty-five kinds of birds are seen there. In less than sixty-three air miles, north to south, radically different climates support a range of plant communities. Ten inches of annual precipitation fall on some of the sagebrush hills up north. The Bechler River country in the park’s southwestern corner gets eighty. The wet places are a riot of color in the spring, with spikes of purple monkshood, crimson paintbrush, pink geraniums, yellow arnica, and white bog orchids standing along misty riverbanks patrolled by fish-eating osprey and sandhill cranes. So are the dry places, with yellow balsamroot and electric blue low larkspur. The bloom is followed by a wave of fruition: blueberries, orange umbels of mountain ash, elderberries, chokecherries, and pine nuts.
To early Euro-American visitors, in comparison to New England, Yellowstone certainly looked like a wilderness. But it had been under some kind of human influence for thousands of years before it became a nature-management kindergarten for an otherwise highly advanced civilization that had by then laid a telegraph cable across the bottom of the Atlantic between Ireland and Nova Scotia. In 1959 an eleven-thousand-year-old spear point was discovered during excavation for a new post office in Gardiner, Montana, on the park’s north boundary. About four years later, a ten-thousand-year-old stone projectile point was recovered in southeastern Wyoming, and its minerology traced back to Neolithic toolmakers’ quarries at Yellowstone. Along the shoreline of Yellowstone Lake, archeologists excavated extensive hunting camps aged at 9,300 years before the present. One recent chief archeologist at Yellowstone estimated there are 80,000 archeological sites in the park, of which only about 1,800 have been documented.
On stone tools recovered from the Yellowstone Lake sites, highly sensitive DNA technology found traces of the blood of bighorn sheep, elk, rabbits, and other game. Hunting pressure on Yellowstone wildlife was probably heavier before the 1700s, when the cold snap known as the Little Ice Age and epidemics of infectious disease reduced Indian use of the Yellowstone Plateau.
Above the Grand Loop Road south of Mammoth Hot Springs, a once-famous industrial zone known as Obsidian Cliff glints strangely in the sun. Formed by volcanic flows high in the mineral silica, volcanic glass from Obsidian Cliff was prized by native toolmakers for the production of razor-sharp knives, scrapers, and projectile points. Sourced from different deposits, obsidian looks about the same, but depending on where it comes from, its chemical makeup differs. This mineral fingerprint allows archeologists to trace stone implements back to where they were quarried.
In Ohio, over 1,400 airline miles from Yellowstone, hundreds of objects unearthed at a Hopewell culture site were made of Yellowstone obsidian. At another excavation in Indiana, blades made of Yellowstone obsidian were found over 1,200 straight-line miles from the park. By the eighteenth century the tribes that inherited Hopewell territory were decimated by European diseases. The trade routes by which their obsidian made its way from Yellowstone to the Midwest may have been, in the words of one archeologist, “vectors of death,” transmitting obsidian east and deadly microbes west, ahead of white explorers. Contagion came in waves, first on foot, and later by steam. A smallpox epidemic spread into the northern plains between 1780 and 1782, and another in 1837, aboard a steamboat traveling up the Missouri River to Fort Union. In all, according to Yellowstone historian Paul Schullery, aboriginal North America suffered at least twenty-eight epidemics of smallpox, twelve of measles, six of influenza, and four each of diphtheria, plague, and typhus.
The first non-Indian we know of to visit Yellowstone was the fur trapper John Colter. On his return from service with the Lewis and Clark expedition, he was recruited by the Missouri Fur Trading Company to survey new sources of animal pelts and pass the word among the Blackfeet about the company’s new trading post at Fort Union, later the source of contagion in the 1837 smallpox epidemic. In a remarkable five-hundred-mile solo trek in 1807 and 1808, Colter passed through Yellowstone. After 1826 the area was visited regularly during the fur trade, and according to accounts from that time, the Blackfeet, Crow, Sheepeaters, Bannock, and other Shoshone groups were sharing the area for hunting, fishing, and quarrying obsidian.
After microbes did their work, the founding of the national park took place against a backdrop of military mop-up operations. In 1877, some six hundred Nez Perce men, women, and children passed through Yellowstone, fleeing a massacre by Army cavalry with orders to kill them or force them onto a reservation. In a strange juxtaposition of Yellowstone’s past and its ecotourism future, the Nez Perce encountered park visitors on camping excursions whom they took as hostages and, in some cases, shot. The following year the US Army campaigned against the Bannock in the region, and in 1879 against the Sheepeaters in what is now the Frank Church–River of No Return Wilderness, to the west in central Idaho.
When this dark chapter in American history was over, by the twentieth century, visitors from Chicago or Great Falls could stroll up a Yellowstone trail and imagine themselves as the first humans in a wilderness that had never been entirely free of people since the end of the last ice age. Because Euro-Americans didn’t witness the effects of Indian hunting until after Indian populations had been reduced by infectious disease, we can only conjecture about how they functioned in concert with cougars, bears, wolves, and coyotes in regulating the number of prey species, such as bighorn sheep, deer, elk, bison, moose, and antelope.
The Lamar Valley, an elongated basin of wide-open grassland and sage steppes in the northeast corner of Yellowstone, has long been known as one of the two or three best places in the park to observe wild animals. For most of the twentieth century the valley harbored America’s largest herd of wintering elk. The two-lane road from park headquarters to the Northeast Entrance, which traverses the base of the hills on the valley’s north side, is the only road open through Yellowstone in the winter. Not many years ago, when the elk came down from the high country with the first snows, people would drive out to the Lamar Valley to marvel at the mass of blondish-brown, furry backs shining in the winter light, the forest of antlers, and the sparkly dust of snow as the elk pawed around for something to eat. The northern elk herd, as they were called, were seen as one of the last great wild spectacles of North America, an intimation of how things had once been, before they were altered. Or so people thought at the time.
A short piece southeast along the road through the Lamar Valley from the cluster of log buildings known as the Buffalo Ranch, there is a paved turnout where visitors get out of their cars with their binoculars and spotting scopes to observe herds of bison and pronghorn antelope. From 1989 to 2013, a Park Service educational placard stood facing the road there at waist level. The text was laid out over a large photograph of what you would see on an average summer day from there: grasslands, a row of old cottonwood trees, and wild animals. The text explained that the Lamar Valley supported “. . . a remnant of the vast wildlife herds that once roamed North America” above which was the placard’s title, in large letters: AN AMERICAN EDEN.
And so it seemed to any visitor who didn’t know the place’s history. To anyone who did, the Lamar Valley bore less resemblance to Eden than to the Civil War battlefields the Park Service takes care of back east. For decades it was probably the most scientifically contested piece of ground in America. The fight there was about how much scientists ought to manipulate and control nature in order to preserve it.
Arguments are rooted in uncertainty. There is little controversy about things we know for certain. In order to understand the disagreement that began at the Lamar Valley and spread to the rest of Yellowstone we must go back to the early nineteenth century, when what was about to happen to the western United States could be compared to the loss of knowledge of the ancient world when the Library of Alexandria burned to the ground in 48 BCE. But in this case, the “library” that was to be burned—and cut down, dug up, shot out, and sold off—was the information that could have been gathered, had there been anyone with today’s ecological skills to do it, about what nature was and how it had worked before it was altered.
Excerpted from “Engineering Eden: A Violent Death, a Federal Trial, and the Struggle to Restore Nature in Our National Parks” © Jordan Fisher Smith, 2016, 2019. Reprinted by permission of the publisher, The Experiment. Available wherever books are sold.

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