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Iran's 2017 elections: All you need to know

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Iran's 2017 elections: All you need to know

Everything explained from why this vote matters to whether or not the election will affect the nuclear deal.

Hala Saadani |  | ElectionsMiddle EastIran 2017 ElectionsIran

Iran is holding its twelfth presidential elections. Political analysts and Middle East specialists are watching these elections very closely, but what impact will they have?

Why do Iran's presidential elections matter?

Iran is a powerful country in the Middle East, and its stability and foreign policy affect its neighbours and have knock-on effects outside the region as well. Iran is involved in the Syria conflict, is closely tied to Hezbollah in Lebanon, and has interests in countries with sizable Shia populations, such as Iraq and Yemen.
And let's not forget Iran's nuclear programme, which earned it pariah status internationally and crippling economic sanctions that have squeezed its economy.
Incumbent President Hassan Rouhani was able to conclude the successful P5 1 negotiations in 2015, and according to this "nuclear deal" Iran would halt work on its nuclear programme in return for a lifting of the sanctions and the unfreezing of billions of dollars in Iranian funds.

Who are the main candidates?

Right now, the two strongest candidates are:
  • Incumbent Reformist President Rouhani, recognisable by his white turban. Rouhani is a Muslim scholar and lawyer with strong religious and revolutionary credentials, having preached against the Shah, changed his name to avoid detection by the secret services, and joined parliament after the revolution.
Rouhani was involved in secret negotiations with the US over the Iran Contra deal in the 1980s and in the P5 1 negotiations, which were successfully concluded during his presidency.
  • His Principlist challenger Ebrahim Raisi (recognisable by his black turban). Raisi is also a Muslim scholar and seen to be very close to the current Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Raisi was younger than Rouhani at the outset of the Iranian revolution, but he rose quickly through the ranks and has most recently worked as Iran's prosecutor general.
Raisi has also been named custodian of Astan Quds Razavi, which is in charge of the Imam Reza shrine, the holiest shrine in Iran that controls the largest assets of any charity in the Muslim world.
Up until Monday, there were two other strong candidates in the race, Reformist First Vice President Eshaq Jahangiri and Principlist mayor of Tehran Mohammed Bagher Ghalibaf.
They had strong showings during televised debates and on the campaign trail, but were seen as placeholder candidates and both had withdrawn by Tuesday evening.
Jahangiri announced his full backing for Rouhani and asked all those who supported him to vote for him as well, while Ghalibaf threw his support behind Raisi and asked his supporters to do the same.

What is the difference between a Reformist and a Principlist?

There are two main blocs in the Iranian political spectrum, Reformist and Principlist. Both, however, have their primary loyalty to the Islamic Revolution and the established order of Iran.
Reformists are the more liberal side, as they believe in opening Iran up to the world, liberalisng economic policy, encouraging foreign investment in the country, and focusing on the rights of Iranian citizens. By extension, this side of the political spectrum is very much pro the nuclear deal and the improvements it can bring to Iran and its people.
Principlists are the conservatives of Iranian politics.They are not in favour of liberalisation or opening up to the outside world, which puts them on the opposite side with regards to the nuclear deal as well, which they think was not the right instrument for Iran to sign on to, but have reluctantly agreed to support it.
During the campaigning leading up to the elections, they [conservatives] mentioned the nuclear deal often as an opening to attack Rouhani for not having delivered any major tangible improvement in the lives of everyday Iranians since the end of 2015.

Can a woman be president?

There has been a lot of dispute in Iran about whether or not a woman can become president. The constitution of Iran uses the word "rejal" [men in persian] to refer to the acceptable candidates, stating in Article 115 that a president is to be elected from among "religious and political rejal".
The Guardian Council, which is an appointed body, is responsible for vetting all nominees for the presidential election and allowing only those that it sees as acceptable to run. They have so far held to the opinion that the word "rejal" in the constitution refers only to men.
This year, 73-year old Azam Taleghani registered to run for the presidency for the third time (first time was in 1997, second time in 2009). Her candidacy has been rejected by the Guardian Council every time but Taleghani, who is the Secretary General of the Islamic Revolution Women's Society, has vowed to keep up her fight to demand that the Guardian Council revise their strict interpretation of the constitution, arguing that "rejal" can also be interpreted as "personalities" and does not have to mean "men"

What is the state of Iran's economy?

Iran's economy has taken a beating under the sanctions regime, with inflation running rampant, unemployment in the double digits, and no hope on the horizon for a number of years. With the signing of the nuclear deal, billions of dollars of Iranian funds were released and oil sales began to prop up the economy.
So far the improvements have been felt mostly in terms of a reduction of inflation (from 40 percent to 7.5 percent) and pulling the growth rate out of the negative up to 7 percent.
One side of the economy where there hasn't been an improvement so far is unemployment, as Iran still hasn't been able to attract the international investment that would mean job creation.
International investors have been a bit skittish with Iran so far, discouraged by the difficulty of doing business in a country where the economy is largely monopolised by enormous government and quasi-governmental businesses and bodies, including the religious endowments and projects run by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.
In order to open Iran up to investments, the new president would have to continue the effort begun by Rouhani and his administration. This effort would include reducing red tape that strangles new company registrations, and loosening the hold that the big players have on the Iranian economy so that new companies can enter the market and compete.   

Can women vote in the elections?

Yes of course. Of Iran's estimated 81.8 million population, 49 percent are women. Iranian women won the right to vote in 1963 and were allowed to stand for public office. In November 2016, about 6 percent of Iranian parliament members were women.

How many people vote?

About 55 million Iranians are eligible to vote in the elections, and they will be able to do that in any one of 63,000 polling stations, which will be monitored by 1.5 million staffers, 70,00 monitors and a scalable force of 350,000 security personnel. Candidates can assign a monitor of their choice to observe proceeding at each station. 
big turnout on Friday, estimated at more than 40 million out of 56 million registered voters, led to the vote being extended by several hours to deal with long queues.

What time are the elections results?

The minister of the interior has announced that the results of the election will not be announced in stages this year, rather they would be made in one final announcement at the end of counting. He does not predict a second round of runoff voting this year, given that the two leading candidates have been supported by 11th hour alliances that have strengthened their campaigns and reduced the chances of vote splitting.

Will the elections affect Iran-US relations?

This is a big question, but it's not actually clear that the victory of one candidate or another would change the course of this relationship.
US President Donald Trump has stated repeatedly that he does not agree with the terms of the nuclear deal and that he thinks it was a very bad agreement for the US to sign.
In this, Trump sounds a lot like the Principlist bloc in Iran, who also feel that the nuclear deal was a bad idea for Iran, although they did state during the presidential debates that they would respect it as a national accord.
If either Iranian bloc respects and maintains the nuclear deal, there should be no major irritants to the relationship coming from the Iranian side. Nor will there be any major shift in Iranian regional policy, which is largely guided by the Supreme Leader, rather they will continue as they are today.
All of the above means that any major shift in relations would come from the US side. In a surprise move on Wednesday, Trump passed up a chance to derail the deal, a move analysts said reflected business interests at home and diplomatic relations abroad.
With regards to regional reach and politics, the US is seen to be aligning itself closely with Saudi Arabia these days, which has had and will continue to have an effect on Iran as both countries talk about containing Iran's reach in the region.

Could the new president turn his back on the nuclear deal?

Given the statements made by the Principlist bloc candidates during the debates, this is not likely to happen unilaterally. If the US were to make moves to back out of the nuclear deal, then Iran may well reciprocate, but that remains to be seen. There is one step before "turning their back" on the deal, namely renegotiation, which either Iran or the US could call for.

Where do the candidates stand in relation to Saudi Arabia and Israel?

No Iranian president will stray from Iranian policy that opposes Israel's occupation of Palestine. Last February, Iran hosted the International Conference on the Palestinian Intifada, an event it has been hosting every four years since the 1990s.
During the conference the Supreme Leader called for a new uprising against Israel, and Rouhani expressed Iran's resolve to continue supporting the Palestinian cause in spite of the "heavy price" paid by the Islamic Republic.
With regards to Saudi Arabia, Rouhani outlined in January the reasons that stood in the way of a more cordial relationship between Iran and the Kingdom, namely the war Saudi Arabia is pursuing in Yemen, and Saudi interference in countries such as Bahrain.
Another reason for tensions between the two countries is Saudi support for the People's Mujahedin of Iran (Mujahedin-e khalq, or MEK) who are calling for an overthrow of the current government in Iran.

How will the election's results affect the Middle East?

It's not likely that the election's results will change much in terms of Iran's regional behavior, as its involvement in a number of relationships and conflicts is set.
The Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, not the president, has final say in all matters and is commander in chief of the armed forces. This means that Iran will remain on the regional path it is on today, focused on its involvement in Syria and the sectarian tension in the region.
A historical antagonism to anything that seems like the US dictating to Iran also adds to Iranians' feeling that the government should act in the best interest of Iran and its regional allies.
iran election explainer process
Source: Al Jazeera

Palestinian basic rights 'not on the agenda' for Trump

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Experts say the Trump administration's support for Israel will render any potential peace negotiations futile [ Reuters]

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Farah Najjar is an online producer at Al Jazeera English.
US President Donald Trump has arrived in Israel as part of his first foreign trip since taking office in January, but critics have already dismissed as lip service his vows to broker an Israeli-Palestinian peace deal.
The trip will include bilateral meetings with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahuand Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas, who was in Washington earlier this month to pledge his support to a renewed peace process.
But experts note that the Trump administration's "unwavering support" for the state of Israel will render any potential negotiations futile.
"They [US administration] will fall over themselves loving Israel to get elected, come to their senses a bit when in office, then pay lip service to peace while serving the strategic alliance between the US and Israel by blindly supporting Israel," Sam Bahour, a Palestinian-American political commentator based in Ramallah, told Al Jazeera.
Mouin Rabbani, a senior fellow at the Washington-based Institute for Palestine Studies, described the prospect of a peace deal as "hot air", highlighting the lack of any concrete plan.
"There is no American plan to negotiate an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement, nor are there any indications that one will be forthcoming, nor is there any basis on which to speculate what such a plan might entail should it actually materialise," he said. 
Since the failure of the 1993 Oslo Accords, US-led initiatives to revive a peace deal have been fruitless, leaving Palestinians with the PA, a provisional self-governing authority.
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In an effort to salvage elements of the Oslo Accords, including concerns over territory, settlements, Palestinian refugees and the right of return, former US President Bill Clinton attempted to revive negotiations and reach a final-status agreement during the Camp David Summit in 2000, but the process failed - and ongoing developments, including the continued growth of illegal Jewish settlements in occupied Palestine, have stymied peace efforts in the ensuing years.
Experts believe that Trump, who is developing an even warmer relationship with Israel than previous US presidents, will have little influence in terms of stripping Israel of its preconditions to peace.
"Israel has consistently used negotiations as a facade to maintain its settlement expansion policies. That policy will persist under the Trump administration," Tareq Baconi, a US-based policy fellow at Al-Shabaka Palestinian Policy Network, told Al Jazeera.
Since Trump took office, Israel has authorised the construction of 3,000 additional illegal settlement homes and announced, for the first time in 20 years, the building of a new settlement in the occupied West Bank. The controversial new US ambassador to Israel,David Friedman, who officially took up his post this month, is a strong supporter of settlements.
Friedman's appointment, which generated significant backlash among members of the Senate foreign relations committee and American Jewish organisations, highlights the inability and unwillingness of the US to act as an honest broker in the region, analysts say.
"A person such as Friedman, with his declared conflict of interest with his material support to the illegal Israeli settlement enterprise, has a great potential to make permanent damage to the US strategic interests in Palestine/Israel," Bahour said.
Friedman has previously expressed doubt over a potential two-state solution, which has traditionally been the bedrock of US diplomacy, and called for moving the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.
Though Israel claims Jerusalem is the capital of its state, its jurisdiction over the city is internationally unrecognised. Under the 1947 United Nations Partition Plan, Jerusalem was meant to be internationally administered.
Today, the issue is not one or two states; it's how to make the Palestinian state reality on the ground.
Sam Bahour, political commentator
In 1967, Israel illegally occupied the eastern half of Jerusalem, and in 1980, passed a law declaring it as the eternal and undivided capital of Israel.
Considering US financial and military support for Israel, the viability of the country acting as a mediator for peace negotiations has long been questioned. Israel is the largestcumulative recipient of US foreign aid, receiving more than $233bn since its inception in 1948. 
Over the next decade, the US will give Israel another $38bn, the largest foreign aid package in US history. The agreement was brought about by former US President Barack Obama's administration, just a few months before Trump took office.
At the same time, the duties and role of the PA over the years in achieving Palestinian self-determination have increasingly been questioned. In recent months, Palestinians in the occupied territories have renewed their condemnation of Israel-PA security coordination, which they perceive as directly conflicting with Palestinian resistance to the occupation.
WATCH: US president receives warm welcome in Riyadh
Under Trump, the controversial policy of security coordination is likely to continue: "They work together beautifully," Trump said during a joint press conference with Abbas in the White House.
Haidar Eid, an associate professor of post-colonial literature at al-Aqsa University in Gaza, noted that the PA's commitment to security coordination with Israel and the "so-called peace process" will ensure its continued relevance in US-led negotiations.
"The moment it moves away from those two pillars of American policy in the Middle East, it loses its role," Eid told Al Jazeera, describing peace talks as a "charade" that have failed to exert any real pressure on Israel. "In a nutshell, Palestinian basic rights, including the right to self-determination, are not on the agenda of the Trump administration."
Although Trump recently dropped the long-standing US commitment to a two-state solution, Bahour says this is not the real issue.
"Palestinians have already defined their self-determination in terms of a state. More than 130 countries already recognised that state. So today, the issue is not one or two states; it's how to make the Palestinian state reality on the ground," Bahour noted. "The fear is that the PA, or to be more exact, the state of Palestine, will be pressured to submit to an agreement that cannot be implemented."
Baconi suggested that Washington's primary aim is to strengthen Israel's ties with other regional countries - "effectively attempting to bypass the Palestinians and produce a broader peace between Israel and its neighbours.
"This approach builds on the expanding rhetoric of Israeli-Sunni alliances. So far, this rhetoric has not produced anything concrete, and it is unlikely to do so if it comes at the cost of Palestinian rights," Baconi added.
The decision by the Gaza-based Hamasmovement to issue - just days before Abbas visited the White House - a new political document recognising the 1967 borders was no coincidence, Eid said. Still, Hamas is likely to continue to be sidelined in any future negotiations.
"I think that under the Trump administration, there is even less hope that any effort to engage with Hamas will be successful," Baconi said.
"It will certainly be the case that Israel's expected assault on the Gaza Strip will receive less push-back from a Trump administration ... In the absence of any external cost that can be imposed on Israel to force it to relinquish its control of the Palestinian territories or to abide by international law, the dynamic on the ground is likely to be maintained."
On Sunday, Trump addressed the leaders of 55 Muslim countries in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia and said they must take the lead in combating "radicalisation". "The true toll of ISIS [the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant], al-Qaeda, Hezbollah, Hamas, and so many others, must be counted not only in the number of dead. It must also be counted in generations of vanished dreams," said Trump in the speech.
Hamas Movement has rejected Trump’s comments saying it shows his "complete bias" towards Israel.
"The statement describing Hamas as a terror group is rejected and is a distortion of our image and shows a complete bias to the Zionist occupation," Hamas spokesman Fawzi Barhoum said in a statement on Sunday.
Source: Al Jazeera

How Israel is targeting Palestinian institutions

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Last month, Israeli police confiscated computers, posters and maps from the Arab Studies Society's office [Ylenia Gostoli/Al Jazeera]

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Jerusalem - When Israeli police showed up at the maps and survey department of the Arab Studies Society's office in Jerusalem last month, director Khalil Tufakji was surprised to receive a six-month shutdown order.
Police proceeded to confiscate computers and the main server, along with posters and maps that had hung on the walls. Tufakji, along with the equipment, was swiftly transferred to the Jerusalem-based Moscobiyeh interrogation centre, also known as the Russian Compound.
The Israeli order alleged that Tufakji's office was working for the Palestinian Authority (PA), and police later accused the office of investigating land sales to Israelis on behalf of the PA.
But four hours after his arrest, Tufakji was released and his equipment returned, untouched. The department was reopened a couple of days later. Today, inside Tufakji's modest office, a mark on the wall where an aerial photograph used to hang was the only sign a raid had taken place.
"I have no idea why they took it," Tufakji said of the photograph, which showed settlement development in occupied East Jerusalem. "I got it from the Israeli side. None of this is secret. We collect and analyse information; this is what we do here."
The maps and survey department was established in 1983 to monitor settlement expansion and produce maps of the occupied Palestinian territories [Ylenia Gostoli/Al Jazeera]
The maps and survey department was established by the late Palestinian politician Faisal Husseini as part of the Arab Studies Society in 1983. Its goal is to monitor settlement expansion and land use and to produce detailed maps of the occupied Palestinian territories. The office has also mapped pre-1948 Palestinian property in West Jerusalem and produced studies of Israel's policies.
After it was initially closed in 1996 by Israeli authorities amid a tense political climate, the department moved from another location in occupied East Jerusalem to Orient House, then the seat of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO). Orient House was itself shut down in 2001 at the outset of the second Intifada. Dozens of Palestinian institutions, including the Jerusalem Chamber of Commerce, would meet the same fate in subsequent years, according to the Civic Coalition for Palestinian Rights in Jerusalem.
Since 2001, the maps and survey department has continued its work from the occupied West Bank as part of the Arab Studies Society, an NGO whose funders include the United Nations Development Programme and whose projects have been sponsored by the European Union.


After the recent raid, Israeli police said they had received information that "the Palestinian Authority had activated an office in Jerusalem", which was allegedly in constant contact with the security services in Ramallah to pass on names of those involved in land sales to Israelis.
Under Palestinian law, selling land to Israelis is considered high treason and is punishable by death; however, any death sentence would have to be approved by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, and he has never done so. 
The Arab Studies Society's office is a few metres from the separation wall [Ylenia Gostoli/Al Jazeera]
Tufakji told Al Jazeera that the closure order, issued by the Ministry of Public Security, did not mention specific activities, but instead justified the closure on the grounds that the office did not have a proper license to operate in Israel. But the office, located a few hundred metres from Israel's separation wall, is administratively in the occupied West Bank.
"Maybe someone signed the order without knowing exactly where my office is," said Tufakji, an expert on settlements and borders who was also part of the Palestinian negotiation team at the 1991 Madrid conference.
Tufakji said the interrogation, which lasted 30 minutes, revolved around his ties to the PA, but as soon as the officers realised he was operating from the West Bank, the questioning stopped.
A police spokesperson declined to comment on the incident, and the Ministry of Public Security did not respond to Al Jazeera's request for comment.
The bizarre incident is not an isolated one. According to the Civic Coalition for Palestinian Rights in Jerusalem, more than 30 Palestinian institutions and organisations have been shut down in the city since the 2001 closure of Orient House. Six-month closure orders have been continuously renewed ever since, in defiance of recommendations made in the 2003 Road Map drawn up by the Middle East Quartet as part of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process.
"Targeting NGOs is targeting the presence of Palestinians in East Jerusalem. NGOs are the main body providing services, because according to Oslo [the interim accords signed by Israel and the Palestinians in 1993 and 1995], the Palestinian Authority is not allowed to be in Jerusalem," Zakaria Odeh, executive director of the Civic Coalition for Palestinian Rights in Jerusalem, told Al Jazeera. "All policies, including house demolitions and residency revocations, have the goal to alter the demographic structure of Jerusalem as a whole."
The closure of Palestinian institutions in the city has been condemned by the European Union for creating a dangerous leadership vacuum, and by Palestinian rights groups as a violation of international law and an attempt to stifle Palestinian political, cultural and social life in occupied East Jerusalem.
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Israel does not allow the PA to carry out any political activities in the city, and a number of organisations and events have been shut down on this basis. The Palestinian National Theatre, Hakawati, has often seen its events disrupted.
In 2009, when Jerusalem was nominated as the Arab Capital of Culture, Israeli police shut down events organised for an international literature festival on the grounds that they constituted PA political activities. More recently, last December, the theatre was prevented from holding a singing event on the basis that its organisers were affiliated with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, a left-wing Palestinian political party that Israel deems a "terrorist" group.
Since the closure of Orient House, Palestinians have lost access to 14,000 books, periodicals, documents, personal archives and maps collected by the Arab Studies Society. 
"Between 1991 [and] 2000, we coordinated our information with the American, the British and the French," Tufakji said. "Every week, we held a tour around a settlement; we went in and took pictures about how the settlement developed. We kept a detailed database of each settlement, including future master plans and photographs. I had collected original maps from the Library of Congress [in the US], from Turkey," he added.
"When they closed Orient House, they confiscated all our documentation and equipment. Until now, they are held by Israel."
Source: Al Jazeera

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