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Obama Administration Coal Mining Review Could Reshape Long-Suffering US Industry

Obama Administration Coal Mining Review Could Reshape Long-Suffering US Industry

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At a public hearing in Casper, Wyoming, this week, local coal miners and environmentalists squared off inside a spacious auditorium. Coal supporters slapped on stickers and bracelets reading “Friends of Coal” and hoisted posters saying “Coal = Jobs.” Coal’s critics dubbed themselves “Climate Voters” and passed out pamphlets warning that burning coal imperils “our lands, our future.”
The Wyoming standoff is part of a broader review process by the Obama administration that could transform a major slice of the U.S. coal industry. Officials are scrutinizing a decades-old program that allows private companies to mine coal on federal lands. The decision they make could ultimately raise the cost of extracting coal in certain regions and, as a result, encourage greater use of lower-carbon energy.
The Casper hearing on Tuesday was the first of six such events to be held in coal-rich states in May and June. The U.S. Interior Department’s Bureau of Land Management, which is leading the review, will use public comments for an environmental impact study — a process that could take up to three years to finish. The Obama administration — which ends in January — said it won’t issue new coal leases until the review is completed.
RTR3H5O9Coal is loaded into a truck at the Jim Bridger Mine, owned by energy firm PacifiCorp and the Idaho Power Company, outside Point of the Rocks, Wyoming, March 14, 2014.PHOTO: JIM URQUHART/REUTERS
“We have an obligation to current and future generations to ensure the federal coal program delivers a fair return to American taxpayers and takes into account its impact on climate change,” Interior Secretary Sally Jewell said in January when announcing the review and moratorium.
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Coal companies, which largely oppose the program review, have argued that any revisions would only hurt an industry that’s facing its worst downturn in decades. At the meeting in Casper, Wyoming’s Republican governor, Matt Mead, railed against what he said was an attack on the U.S. coal sector.
“This administration is pursuing an unrealistic vision of a world without coal,” he said after two hours of public comments, local media reported. “Instead they should pursue a realistic vision that recognizes coal’s place in the world, and should invest to make it better.”
In the U.S., demand for the black rock is slowing and prices are plunging thanks to sluggish growth in China’s economy, stiff competition from natural gas and growing concerns about climate change and air and water pollution. Dozens of American mining companies, including industry giants like Peabody Energy Corp. and Arch Coal Inc., have filed for bankruptcy in recent months as their earnings declined and debt loads soared.
Most of the major coal firms operate mines on public land, primarily in Wyoming’s Powder River Basin and other Western states. Roughly 40 percent of U.S. coal, especially in the West, comes from federal property, meaning any changes to the BLM program would likely affect coal pricing and regulations across the overall market, said Mark Squillace, a law professor at the University of Colorado in Boulder and natural resources expert.
“Whatever the federal government decides to do will influence the market for coal generally, particularly in the Western U.S.,” he said. Mining companies still hold leases for roughly 20 years’ worth of recoverable coal reserves on federal lands, so a shortage isn’t likely, he added.
The BLM now manages more than 300 active coal leases spanning about 475,000 acres in 10 states. The coal lease program began in 1920 to enable the government to offer up selected tracts of public lands, with private companies placing competitive bids to lease that coal-rich acreage.
Over time, however, the program has largely transformed into a model of “lease by application,” in which an individual coal company submits its own proposal to mine on public land. Critics say this approach discourages competition and allows coal companies to secure prices well below what they would pay to mine on private property.
The U.S. Government Accountability Office found that about 90 percent of coal lease sales attracted only a single bidder, even though federal law requires multiple companies to compete for a lease, according to a December 2013 report. The Interior Department’s inspector general separately foundthat multiple deficiencies within the BLM program had “put the government at risk of not receiving the full value for coal leases.”
Beyond leasing, coal companies are also under scrutiny for what they do with the coal once it’s mined from public lands. A 2012 Reuters investigation found that miners sell some of those coal reserves to “affiliates,” which are wholly owned subsidiaries. The companies in turn can hide profits and avoid paying full government royalties on exported coal, since they technically sold the coal to a domestic affiliated company.
All told, taxpayers may have lost an estimated $28.9 billion in revenue from coal leases over 30 years, the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, which favors use of renewable energy, found in a 2012 study.
The BLM has promised to address concerns about the leasing process and payments from coal companies. Officials are also considering whether to factor in the external environmental costs associated with mining and burning coal, including the costs to public health by polluting air and water and the effects on the climate by boosting greenhouse gas emissions.
“We ought to start looking at what those costs are and start insisting that at least part of those costs are captured in the bonus bid” that companies pay upon winning leases, Squillace said. “If somebody doesn’t want to pay those costs, then they don’t have to lease the coal.” He said the BLM should adopt a minimum bid price to ensure the government both earns the fair market value for coal and accounts for climate damage.
Environmental groups are urging the BLM to study two other areas: the cleanup of coal mines and federal support for ailing coal communities.
Connie Wilbert, who directs the Sierra Club’s Wyoming chapter, said she would like to see the bureau end the practice of “self-bonding” for coal mine reclamation. Before mining, coal miners are required by federal and state laws to post reclamation bonds to guarantee their ability to restore mine sites once activities are finished. With self-bonding, a coal company that meets certain financial standards can essentially give the government its word, without the backup of a third-party financial institution.
The practice has come under intense scrutiny in recent months with the bankruptcies of coal giants Peabody Energy, Arch and Alpha Natural Resources Inc. All three have used self-bonding to cover portions of their reclamation responsibilities, and their financial problems have raised anxieties that taxpayers might be left to clean up the mines, if they’re cleaned up at all.
RTR4A2Z5Coal is stacked at the base of coal loaders along the Ohio River in Ceredo, West Virginia, May 18, 2014.PHOTO: REUTERS/ROBERT GALBRAITH
“In the future we want to avoid that,” Wilbert said. “No more self-bonding for public coal.”
She added that the BLM should use some of its earnings from the coal lease program to support the thousands of coal industry workers, their families and communities that are suffering economically as a result of the sector's downturn. She pointed to the Obama administration’s existing programsfor job retraining and professional development in hard-hit areas.
“This is a really difficult transition for us [in Wyoming], and it will continue to be because so much of our state’s economy is dependent on fossil fuels,” Wilbert said. “We need a real and significant commitment to help the workers so they can transition to different economic opportunities.”
Coal industry supporters have said they back such programs — but not if they’re attached to reforms that would reduce the royalties coal companies receive, or discourage greater development of coal.
Richard Reavey, vice president of Cloud Peak Energy, a major player in Wyoming’s Powder River Basin, likened the BLM review to a “Soviet-style show trial.” Speaking at a pro-coal rally held before the Casper hearing Tuesday, he said coal would be found “guilty” of delivering reliable electricity, providing well-paying jobs and making the American economy stronger, the Associated Pressreported.
“And the sentence? The sentence is keep it in the ground,” he said to a crowd of miners, who held up signs that read “No New Electricity Tax!” and “Coal Supports My Family.”
After Casper, the BLM held its second public hearing Thursday in Salt Lake City. Coming hearings will take place May 26 in Knoxville, Tennessee, June 16 in Pittsburgh, June 23 in Grand Junction, Colorado, and a date that's yet to be decided in June in Seattle.

MEDIA

Russia

Three Top Editors Leave Russia's RBC Media Holding

Yelizaveta Osetinskaya (center), editor in chief of the overall media group, interviews Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev in December 2015.
Yelizaveta Osetinskaya (center), editor in chief of the overall media group, interviews Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev in December 2015.


    By RFE/RL
    Three top editors have left the respected Russian media group RBC, whose investigative reporting has scrutinized the dealings of the country's business and political elites, including President Vladimir Putin's friends and family.
    RBC General Director Nikolai Molibog said on May 13 that Yelizaveta Osetinskaya, editor in chief of the overall media group; Maksim Solyus, editor of the RBK newspaper; and Roman Badanin, editor of its news agency "are leaving the company as of May 13 due to the absence of common viewpoints regarding the company's future."
    RBC shot to national prominence thanks in large part to its investigative reporting since it was purchased by billionaire businessman Mikhail Prokhorov in 2010.
    This reporting has at times irritated the Kremlin. Text messages between Molibog and a Kremlin official that were leaked by a hacking group last year indicate that RBC's coverage of the Ukraine conflict angered senior officialsresponsible for overseeing the media.
    In one text to Molibog, who confirmed the veracity of the communications, the official used the word "brutal" to describe an RBC report about Russian soldiers fighting Kyiv's forces alongside separatists in eastern Ukraine.
    Maksim SolyusMaksim Solyus
    The exit of the three editors, which comes amid widespread speculation that the Kremlin's frustration with the company's independent-minded editorial approach is mounting, triggered immediate fears that RBC's investigative reporting would be reined in.
    "Independent journalism has died in Russia over the past few years, and RBC during these two years has become the most important independent publication in Russia with first-rate investigation and an unassailable reputation," the Riga-based Russian news portal Meduza wrote in a May 13 editorial.
    "Today, a true miracle was destroyed right before our eyes," it added.
    Osetinskaya, a former editor in chief of the respected Vedomosti daily, and Badanin wrote in May 13 Facebook posts that they were not commenting on their departures.
    Osetinskaya said she was "shocked" by the outpouring of support. "That means it wasn't all in vain," she wrote.
    Putin's spokesman, Dmitry Peskov, was quoted by the Interfax news agency on May 13 as saying that the departure of the RBC editors was not linked to politics or pressure from the Kremlin.
    The announcement comes amid media reports that the Moscow city police have launched investigations into alleged fraud in a company controlled by RBC, which owns a news portal, a television channel, a newspaper, and a magazine among other entities.
    A spate of recent national TV reports have also been critical of Prokhorov, who has largely played by the Kremlin's rules since Putin came to power 16 years ago.
    In 2012, he ran against Putin in the presidential election with a pro-business campaign that was widely seen as approved by the Kremlin in order to allow liberal voters to vent dissatisfaction with the government at the ballot box.
    In January 2015, RBC became the first media outlet to write about Katerina Tikhonova, the young woman believed to be Putin's younger daughter -- despite the Kremlin's long-running refusal to confirm details about the president's family. Tikhonova is currently running a development project at Moscow State University.
    RBC did not identify Tikhonova as Putin's daughter in the article -- that claim was made later by journalist Oleg Kashin and opposition leader Aleksei Navalny on social networks.
    In a broadcast last month, Russian state media boss and television anchor Dmitry Kiselyov held up a copy of RBC's newspaper and accused the holding of helping the United States with its deep coverage of the Panama Papers financial-document leak, in which Putin allies figure.
    With reporting by Meduza and TASS

    Politics-

    Donald Trump masqueraded as publicist to brag about himself

    In 1991 interview, Trump spokesman sounds a lot like Trump

     
    Play Video14:20
    In a 1991 recording obtained by The Washington Post’s Marc Fisher, a man who claims to be a spokesman for Donald Trump named John Miller tells a People magazine reporter about Trump’s first divorce, his romance with France’s future first lady and his messy breakup with Marla Maples. (Sarah Parnass/The Washington Post)
      
    The voice is instantly familiar; the tone, confident, even cocky; the cadence, distinctly Trumpian. The man on the phone vigorously defending Donald Trump says he’s a media spokesman named John Miller, but then he says, “I’m sort of new here,” and “I’m somebody that he knows and I think somebody that he trusts and likes” and even “I’m going to do this a little, part time, and then, yeah, go on with my life.”
    A recording obtained by The Washington Post captures what New York reporters and editors who covered Trump’s early career experienced in the 1970s, ’80s and ’90s: calls from Trump’s Manhattan office that resulted in conversations with “John Miller” or “John Barron” — public-relations men who sound precisely like Trump himself — who indeed are Trump, masquerading as an unusually helpful and boastful advocate for himself, according to the journalists and several of Trump’s top aides.
    In 1991, Sue Carswell, a reporter at People magazine, called Trump’s office seeking an interview with the developer. She had just been assigned to cover the soap opera surrounding the end of Trump’s 12-year marriage to Ivana, his budding relationship with the model Marla Maples and his rumored affairs with any number of celebrities who regularly appeared on the gossip pages of the New York newspapers.
    Within five minutes, Carswell got a return call from Trump’s publicist, a man named John Miller, who immediately jumped into a startlingly frank and detailed explanation of why Trump dumped Maples for the Italian model Carla Bruni. “He really didn’t want to make a commitment,” Miller said. “He’s coming out of a marriage, and he’s starting to do tremendously well financially.”
    Miller turned out to be a remarkably forthcoming source — a spokesman with rare insight into the private thoughts and feelings of his client. “Have you met him?” Miller asked the reporter. “He’s a good guy, and he’s not going to hurt anybody. . . . He treated his wife well and . . . he will treat Marla well.”
    Some reporters found the calls from Miller or Barron disturbing or even creepy; others thought they were just examples of Trump being playful. Today, as the presumptive Republican nominee for president faces questions about his attitudes toward women, what stands out to some who received those calls is Trump’s characterization of women whom he portrayed as drawn to him sexually.
    “Actresses,” Miller said in the call to Carswell, “just call to see if they can go out with him and things.” Madonna “wanted to go out with him.” And Trump’s alter ego boasted that in addition to living with Maples, Trump had “three other girlfriends.”
    Miller was consistent about referring to Trump as “he,” but at one point, when asked how important Bruni was in Trump’s busy love life, the spokesman said, “I think it’s somebody that — you know, she’s beautiful. I saw her once, quickly, and beautiful . . . ” and then he quickly pivoted back into talking about Trump — then a 44-year-old father of three — in the third person.
    In 1990, Trump testified in a court case that “I believe on occasion I used that name.”
    In a phone call to NBC’s “Today” program Friday morning after this article appeared online, Trump denied that he was John Miller. “No, I don’t think it — I don’t know anything about it. You’re telling me about it for the first time and it doesn’t sound like my voice at all,” he said. “I have many, many people that are trying to imitate my voice and then you can imagine that, and this sounds like one of the scams, one of the many scams — doesn’t sound like me.” Later, he was more definitive: “It was not me on the phone. And it doesn’t sound like me on the phone, I will tell you that, and it was not me on the phone. And when was this? Twenty-five years ago?”
    Then, Friday afternoon, Washington Post reporters who were 44 minutes into a phone interview with Trump about his finances asked him a question about Miller: “Did you ever employ someone named John Miller as a spokesperson?”
    The phone went silent, then dead. When the reporters called back and reached Trump’s secretary, she said, “I heard you got disconnected. He can’t take the call now. I don’t know what happened.”
    Trump has never been terribly adamant about denying that he often made calls to reporters posing as someone else. From his earliest years in business, he occasionally called reporters using the name “John Barron.”
    A “John Baron,” described as a “vice-president of the Trump organization,” appeared in a front-page New York Times article as early as 1980, defending Trump’s decision to destroy sculptures on the facade of the Bonwit Teller department store building, the Fifth Avenue landmark he was demolishing to make way for his Trump Tower. Barron was quoted variously as a “Trump spokesman,” “Trump executive” or “Trump representative” in New York magazine, The Washington Post and other publications.
    Trump’s fascination with the name “Barron” persisted for decades. When he was seeing Maples while still married to Ivana, he sometimes used the code name “the Baron” when he left messages for her. In 2004, when Trumpcommissioned a dramatic TV series based on the life of a New York real estate mogul like him, his only request to the writer was to name the main character “Barron.” And when Trump and his third wife, Melania, had a son, they named him Barron.
    In the 1991 recording, Miller sounded quite at ease regaling the reporter with tales of Trump hanging out with Madonna at a ball at the Plaza Hotel, which he owned at the time. Asked about the rumored Madonna-Trump friendship, Miller, unlike every other PR man on the planet, neither batted the question away nor gave it short shrift. Rather, he said, “Do you have a second?”
    Carswell, the reporter, sounded a bit startled: “Yeah, obviously,” she replied.
    Whereupon Miller offered a detailed account of the Trump encounter with Madonna, who “came in a beautiful evening gown and combat boots.” The PR man assured the reporter that nothing untoward occurred: “He’s got zero interest that night.”
    Miller also revealed to Carswell why Trump seemed to relish any and all media coverage, even the most critical. “I can tell you that he didn’t care if he got bad PR until he got his divorce finished,” Miller said. The more the press wrote about Trump’s money troubles, the greater advantage he would have in negotiations toward a financial settlement with his then-estranged wife, Ivana. Then, “once his divorce is finished,” Miller said, you would see stories about how Trump was “doing well financially and he’s doing well in every other way.”
    Carswell this week recalled that she immediately recognized something familiar in the Queens accent of Trump’s new publicist. She thought, “It’s so weird that Donald hired someone who sounds just like him.” After the 20-minute interview, she walked down the hall to play the tape to co-workers, who identified Trump’s voice. Carswell then called Cindy Adams, the longtime New York Post gossip columnist who had been close to Trump since the early 1970s. Adams immediately identified the voice as Trump’s.
    “Oh, that’s Donald,” Carswell recalled Adams saying. “What is he doing?”
    Then Carswell played the tape for Maples, who confirmed it was Trump and burst into tears as she heard Miller deny that a ring Trump gave her implied any intent to marry her.
    Carswell, now a reporter-researcher at Vanity Fair, said the tape cuts off mid-interview, leaving out the part in which Miller said that actress Kim Basinger had been trying to date Trump. Hearing the tape for the first time in decades, Carswell said, “This was so farcical, that he pretended to be his own publicist. Here was this so-called billion-dollar real estate mogul, and he can’t hire his own publicist. It also said something about the control he wanted to keep of the news cycle flowing with this story, and I can’t believe he thought he’d get away with it.”
    The Post obtained the recording from a source who provided it on the condition of anonymity. Carswell shared the microcassette of the call with the source shortly after the interview.
    From the start of his career as a builder in New York, Trump worked the press. He believed in carrots and sticks, showering reporters with praise, then pivoting to a threat to sue them if they wrote something he considered inaccurate. He often said that all publicity, good or bad, was good for his business.
    He made himself available to reporters at nearly any time, for hours on end. And he called them, too, to promote his own projects, but also with juicy bits of gossip.
    “One thing I’ve learned about the press is that they’re always hungry for a good story, and the more sensational the better,” Trump wrote in “The Art of the Deal,” his bestseller. “The point is that if you are a little different, or a little outrageous, or if you do things that are bold or controversial, the press is going to write about you.”
    Trump did not describe using false identities to promote his brand, but he did write about why he strays from the strict truth: “I play to people’s fantasies. People may not always think big themselves, but they can still get very excited by those who do. That’s why a little hyperbole never hurts. People want to believe that something is the biggest and the greatest and the most spectacular. I call it truthful hyperbole. It’s an innocent form of exaggeration — and a very effective form of promotion.”
    After Carswell’s story appeared — headlined “Trump Says Goodbye Marla, Hello Carla . . . And a Mysterious PR Man Who Sounds Just Like Donald Calls to Spread the Story” — Trump invited the reporter out for a night on the town with him and Maples. Carswell said Maples persuaded Trump to issue the invitation as an apology for tricking her. A few weeks later, when People ran a story about Trump and Maples getting engaged, Trump was quoted saying that the John Miller call was a “joke gone awry.”
    Carswell had been skeptical all along. On the recording, she challenged Miller: “Where did you come from?”
    “I basically worked for different firms,” he replied cryptically. And then he marveled at his boss’s ability to withstand critical news coverage: “I’ve never seen somebody so immune to . . . bad press.”
    Miller was also impressed by his client’s social life: “I mean, he’s living with Marla and he’s got three other girlfriends. ” But the PR man wanted the reporter to know that Trump believed in “the marriage concept” and planned to settle down, on his own terms: “He does things for himself. When he makes a decision, that will be a very lucky woman.”
    Marc Fisher, a senior editor, writes about most anything. He’s been The Post’s enterprise editor, local columnist and Berlin bureau chief, and he’s covered politics, education, pop culture, and much else in three decades on the Metro, Style, National and Foreign desks.

    Obama administration's coal leasing moratorium

    Poor justification for Obama administration's coal leasing moratorium

    In January, the Obama administration announced a three-year moratorium on the leasing of new coal reserves located on federal lands.  The ostensible reason for such a moratorium, as Interior Secretary Sally Jewell subsequently explained, is to review current leasing procedures and to make sure that taxpayers receive a fair return for publicly held coal.  
    The implicit suggestion of course is that federal coal might be undervalued.  But this sets up a glaring contradiction with the other motive behind the moratorium:  to reduce carbon dioxide emissions from power plants by keeping coal in the ground. 
    This week, the Interior Department holds its first hearings to determine the advisability of such a moratorium.  What will likely emerge from these sessions is an administration policy chasing two entirely incompatible goals.  Interior wants to increase the benefit to taxpayers of a program they believe undervalues a public resource.  But they also want to satisfy climate activists hoping to end a federal coal program that currently yields $1.2 billion annually for the federal coffers. If climate activists win, taxpayers lose.
    The overall revenue produced by federal coal is not insignificant.  Coal leased from federal lands has generated more than $12.6 billion in royalties, rents, and bonus payments over the past decade.  In fact, the argument that taxpayers are somehow denied a fair return from the current federal coal program falls flat. The 12.5 percent royalty paid on coal leased from federal land is approximately 40 percent higher than rates paid for coal mined on private land in the Midwest and Appalachia. Companies also pay additional fees based on the coal under lease, which helps to explain why recent investigations by the Government Accountability Office and the Department of the Interior’s Inspector General have found no reason to overhaul the program.  
    It’s important to note that the coal mined from these reserves accounts for 42 percent of total U.S. production.  Since coal currently generates 35% of total U.S. electricity production, a moratorium would inevitably eliminate a major portion of domestic coal supplies, with serious consequences for the supply of affordable power.  This is particularly troubling since coal has long played a central role in anchoring a stable, reliable mix of electricity sources nationwide.  A study by IHS Energy found that coal saves ratepayers roughly $93 billion in annual electric bills.
    A key rationale for the moratorium, however, is to address climate change. But the contribution from the federal coal lease program on global emissions, let alone on global temperatures, is so insignificant as to be almost unmeasurable. Even the administration’s Clean Power Plan, aimed squarely at shutting down coal generation, would reduce global CO2 emissions by less than 1 percent. The moratorium is therefore a largely symbolic gesture.
    Similarly, coal exports from federal lands are negligible.  The argument that America is somehow exporting greenhouse gases makes little sense when one considers that, in the highest export year to date, only 3 percent of coal leased on federal land was exported.  Courts have rightly judged that this “impact” is too insignificant to be properly assessed. 
    Undaunted, the Obama Administration has floated the idea of increasing the royalty rate for leased coal.  But doing so would squeeze coal producers already operating on a tight margin, and in a market where 41,000 coal miners have lost their jobs since 2011. Higher royalties will end more high-wage jobs and discourage production, keeping affordable energy off the market and revenue from taxpayers. 
    The federal coal leasing program fairly values an important public resource and generates substantial revenue for America’s taxpayers.  Multiple reviews by federal and state agencies continue to ensure that the environment is protected. A move to replace the current program with costly new fees and higher royalties, or with a flat-out moratorium, serves no legitimate public purpose.  Hopefully, the hearings by the Interior Department will reveal the full value of this longstanding program while also recognizing the cost of weakening it.

    Luke Popovich is Vice President for External Communications at the National Mining Association.

    India’s NTPC takes coal import holiday

    India’s NTPC takes coal import holiday 16TH MAY 2016 BY: AJOY K DAS(miningweekly.com) – Breaking with import dependency over the last decade, India’s largest thermal power producer, NTPC Limited, has decided to take a coal import holiday during the current financial year in response to higher domestic availability and expected production from captive mines. Having received guarantees of assured coal supplies from producer Coal India Limited (CIL), NTPC would not enter into any import contracts during 2016/17, and would receive only a small volume of shipments during the year, which had already been contracted, a company official said. The power utility had initially planned to import 21-million tonnes in 2015/16, which during course of the year was reduced to 16-million tonnes. However, actual shipments were lower at 10-million tonnes, in response to higher dispatches from CIL, the official said. The official added that there was a possibility that the import holiday would be extended for the next few years as captive coal blocks allocated to NTPC were progressively brought into production. The captive coal block of Pakri Barwadhi, in the eastern province of Jharkhand, had already been handed over to mine developer operator (MDO) Thriveni-Sainik and was scheduled for commercial production by the end of 2016. The block was expected to provide assured supplies of 15-million tonnes a year for thermal power plants of NTPC. NTPC was also in the process of appointing an MDO for the Kerandari coal block also in Jharkhand province. This coal block scheduled to be brought into production over the next two years would offer an additional coal supply of about six-million tonnes a year to the power utility. It was pointed out that another trigger for calling a halt to imports was CIL’s decision to offer higher volumes for sales through e-auction during the period August 2016 to March 2017, including forward auctions to enable large coal consumers to plan their feedstock requirements and sourcing over a longer period. CIL had already committed to offer 79-million tonnes of coal during the period for both power and nonpower consumers. Of the total offering, 63-million tonnes had been earmarked for power sector consumers through special forward e-auction and 19-million tonnes to nonpower sector through e-auctions. The volume on offer was significantly higher than the 58-million tonnes of coal sold by CIL during the entire 2015/16.  Officials said that incremental higher sales volumes achieved through e-auction was a win-win situation for the miner and consumers like NTPC. This would enable the miner to secure at least 10% to 15% higher realisations than coal sales at notified prices, while coal would be available on demand for the consumers enabling them to plan their feedstock requirements.  

    Coall miner dies in northern West Virginia

    West Virginia Department of Commerce spokeswoman Leslie Smithson says preliminary information suggests the miner at the Leer Mine in Grafton may have suffered a medical condition. She says a full investigation is under way by the state Office of Miners' Health, Safety and Training.
    The miner's name wasn't immediately released.


    It marks the second reported death at a West Virginia coal mine this year. A miner died in an accident at a Wyoming County mine on Jan. 4.

    Govt launches energy saving movement

    Govt launches energy saving movement

    Minggu, 15 Mei 2016 20:42 WIB | 451 Views
    Jakarta (ANTARA News) - The government on Sunday launched the 10-percent Energy Saving National Movement in an effort to change the wasteful behavior of the people in consuming energy.

    "Many people still wastefully consume energy. Let us make ourselves accustomed to consuming energy efficiently at home, in offices and in any other places," Energy and Mineral Resources Minister Sudirman Said told the press here on Sunday.

    The launch of the energy saving movement was marked with a fun walk participated in by Jakarta residents and government officials, including state-owned oil and gas company Pertaminas President Director Dwi Soetjipto and former energy minister Subroto.

    The fun walk started from the office building of the ministry of energy and mineral resources to Hotel Indonesia Traffic Circle in Jalan Thamrin.

    Sudirman stated that the people should change their wasteful behavior in consuming energy so that energy consumption in the county could be saved.

    He said that energy can be saved through three steps, namely by turning off electricity if not used, using energy saving electronic appliances and making energy saving a life-style.

    "One of the way how to save on energy is setting the air-conditioners at 25 degrees only when they are used," the minister said.

    He said that the energy saving campaign was started from Jakarta and would be gradually expanded to 20 big cities in Indonesia.

    It will also be carried out through various print and electronic media, airlines, trains, banners and brochures.

    "The campaign will not stop until the end of this year. It will continue until the people understand and become efficient in consuming energy," the minister added.

    He said that the increasing energy consumption and the shrinking of fossil fuel reserves required the people to become aware of the importance of carrying out energy saving consumption.

    Saving energy by 10 percent in the coming three years would be equal to saving the cost for the construction one new steam power plant, he said.

    "Ahead, energy conservation should serve as the fifth source of energy after oil, gas, coal and renewable energy," Sudirman stressed.

    The 10 percent energy saving movement is a joint action that should involve the government, business players, societal organizations and individuals.(*)

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